By BT Jones

The Petit Jean Mountain Plateau, as seen from Carden Bottom, may have once been the village of Tanico. Photo by Don Higgins.
Early in May 2010, I spent time during a sunny afternoon strolling with Dr. Skip Stewart-Abernathy of the Arkansas Archeological Survey Station based at the “Archeology Barn” of the Winthrop Rockefeller Institute, Petit Jean Mountain (Arkansas). Dr. Skip, as I call him, postulates, theorizes, and makes statements based upon broad experience. “Native Americans who created arrowheads,” he said, “didn’t make bad strikes when knapping stone. They only had the misfortune of occasionally striking imperfect stone for making arrowheads.”
As we walked along, Dr. Skip went on from one topic to another: from rock art meanings to the cosmos of Mississippian Native Americans and their belief in the entity of evil or lack thereof. I construct some of my best interpretive background information regarding ancient cultures from listening to Dr. Skip in these very informal interactions, though I’m not sure that he is aware of it. Hanging out with an archeologist helps me bring life into programs that might otherwise lean toward simple information telling.
Maybe it is obvious that time spent with an authority discussing an area of interpretation is time well spent. But I have found, by chance really, that developing a casual friendship and spending time together “off the professional clock” brings the richest rewards in meaningful interactions with park visitors later on.
For example, several years back, preceding our Petit Jean State Park’s annual Archeology Day, it was Dr. Skip who made all the difference when we planned to offer some authentic Mississippian-era food for park visitors to sample. Eastern woodland bison, extinct by the early 1800s, was impossible to put on the menu, and even boiled turtle seemed a little out of the average park visitor’s comfort zone. So we targeted the crops known as the “three sisters” of squash, beans, and corn: a vegetarian menu for the day. “The idea is to make it as boring and bland as possible,” Dr. Skip said laughing. “The Mississippian culture was salt-poor. They craved salt constantly and were seldom able to add it to their cooking—so no salt in the food.”
By midmorning on Archeology Day, our park interpreters were serving up a fresh squash and corn mush accompanied by cooked bean balls—all appropriately bland and visually unappealing. Oddly enough, most of the visitors really liked it—even more so once they were allowed to remove authenticity by adding the modern luxuries of salt and spice. Perhaps most importantly, the menu offered a venue for discussing the extent to which time may change the values that humans place on a simple mineral such as salt. It was once hard-won, a vital substance then-and-now critical to human health, and used as a food preservative—a commodity that humans fought over. By the 20th century, the technology of refrigeration had relegated salt to the commonplace. Indians from 1,000 years ago would be amazed that people from our present culture have problems removing it from our diets.
Another rich resource person, also luckily there for us in our local community, is retired United States Air Force Colonel Donald P. Higgins, whose avid pastimes are learning about the natural world, local history, and archeology. Don, as we call him, brings professional expertise to his local research and is able to offer us a wealth of insight when we ask him. He has located Mississippian rock art in numerous locations in our park, as well as other locations on our plateau in the Arkansas River Valley. If I spend an afternoon on a ramble through our park’s Seven Hollows area with Don, I will head home much richer in interpretive readiness than if I had spent the same time getting information via the Web.

Dr. Skip Stewart-Abernathy photographs artifacts at the Carden Bottom site in 2009. Photo by Don Higgins.
Both Dr. Skip and Don have been of great help in reconstructing “behind the scenes” glimpses into the lives of indigenous cultures who inhabited our region. Both are active in local archeological digs, bringing new knowledge to light every few years. Both offer their own programs as special guest speakers to our park. Both have helped me to re-create a “day in the life” of any member of an ancient culture, usually while engaged in an informal conversation in a quiet study surrounded by shelves of books or on a walk among park canyons. Both are thoroughly familiar with Petit Jean State Park, a great place for archeologists. The park is both a natural area—contained within a rare plateau in the Arkansas River Valley, cloven by a rugged canyon containing a 70-foot-high waterfall—and a place rich in archeological heritage, with artifacts dating back to Paleo-Indian times (9,500 BC–8,000 BC). And there is a much richer heritage in artifacts and in rock art dating from Mississippian Native American times (900 AD–1541 AD).
Historians and scribes from Conquistador Hernando De Soto’s expedition through what is now Arkansas in 1541 recorded a province in the area of Arkansas along the Arkansas River in the vicinity of Petit Jean Mountain. Archeological digs in Carden Bottom, just west of the mountain, suggest that the area may well have been what DeSoto’s scribes called the village of Tanico, a loosely fortified settlement within the province of Cayas along the banks of the Arkansas River. Further speculation from our state’s archeologists suggests that Petit Jean State Park’s archeological site, a large bluff shelter known as the Rock House Cave, was a sacred place for rites of the Tanico villagers. Today, rock art, Native culture, and Arkansas history are often interpreted at the Rock House Cave site.
Because of insights provided by such people as Dr. Skip and Don Higgins, a visit to Rock House Cave today may lead to a variety of interpretive opportunities. We might use our imaginations and follow the life of a young boy, a villager of Tanico:
He lived in a world large and beautiful beyond modern reckoning. By the time he was five or six years of age, he knew every plant and its value to his people. He tended to his younger sibling and stayed out of his mother’s way when she worked. He also steered clear of important people wearing headdresses and shell gorgets. Later, he was valuable for scaring crows away from the village’s crop land. He learned the fine art of net making from his mother’s father—his primary male teacher. There were seven different plant fibers that went into cordage used in net making. His people were masters at making and using nets, both for fishing and catching waterfowl. With cold weather coming on, he wore a coat made of deerskin lined with rabbit fur. He traveled with his mother on salt-making excursions—boiling brackish water from fissure-fed ponds and creating the valuable white crust to be scraped away from the large pot. When he could, he practiced with hunting weapons—bow and spear. In the village, a cooking pot was going all the time, and he contributed all that he was able. There were meals and there were naps in the open breeze. He served a function for his people and was valued. He listened to stories told under the stars at night, and when he was old enough he was allowed to attend rites at the sacred, high place.
Visitors today may see the visual remnants of the storytelling that accompanied those rites: a net and paddlefish pictograph; a horned animal, either bison or mythical beast; and a symbol whose meaning has been lost in time.
Arkansas is fortunate to have archeological survey stations located throughout. The concept is to put “an archeologist in every person’s back yard,” and it has worked. Other states have similar resources. Archeologists may be found in nearby universities, the national parks, the Corps of Engineers, the United States Forest Service, or State Historic Preservation Offices, for example.
Some question the relevance of archeology at all. Why look back at the past? Isn’t the future what is important? How interesting can dead people be? Those of us who work for parks and museums know that observing the tragedies and triumphs of the past are keys for having a future that is not dismal but bright. There is a load of wisdom hidden in the earth.
If you can, become casual friends with your local archeologists or historians. If you are able, find some off-time for sitting in a study, taking rambles through natural areas, or volunteering for an archeological dig. What you learn along the way will be well worth your while when park visitors arrive and you go to work. What has been particularly interesting for me is that, after I gain new insights from either Dr. Skip or Don Higgins, the interpretive experience is often as new for me as it is for my group of visitors. Chatting with an archeologist one spring afternoon has helped lead to a changed way of seeing our park’s archeological treasures for everyone.
BT Jones, CIG, is a park interpreter at Petit Jean State Park in Arkansas.














Interpreting Reverence in American Indian Sacred Sites
By Nancy Stimson
Do you have a place that had a profound impact on your life or your sense of identity, a place that is special and gives meaning to you and your family? Interpreting American Indian/Native sites can be challenging. Discussions have led to disputes between American Indians who consider the sites sacred and other Americans who wish to use the sites for recreation and commercial enterprises. Some disputes have led to legal clashes over the management of these sites.
These disputes raise questions regarding the environment, religious freedom, the relationship of citizens to federally owned land, the lasting impact of historical inequities, and how our society mediates between groups whose vastly differing experiences have produced competing needs and belief systems.
Interpreters can relate the reverence of the sacred sites and the issues surrounding the sites by asking their audience, “What do you value most? How is what you revere the same or different from what other people in your community value?”
Sacred places give meaning and identity to communities and individuals. We as interpreters continue to provide opportunities for our audience to make their own intellectual and emotional connections with not only the past but also contemporary Native cultures. This includes valuing relationships to landscapes, their spiritual integration with all of nature, and human arrangements, aspirations, and rewards. Our audiences may grasp the irony that a nation founded on religious freedom would ban the religious practices of its native peoples. We hope they will come to see how long, historic connections to place and deep spiritual roots that sink into land could be nurtured by indigenous people for generations but ignored by newcomers from Europe. Some sacred structures—churches, synagogues, mosques—are built where it’s convenient for people. Conversely, many American Indians believe that sacred places define themselves and that it’s up to humans to find them and care for them, not create or own them. What leads one culture to name a place Devils Tower—and want to climb to the top of it—while Native people revere it, keep their distance, and perform pipe ceremonies?
Mato Tipila, the Lodge of the Bear, also known as Devils Tower, is one of the premier climbing challenges in the world. For the Lakota and 16 other tribes of the northern plains who perform sun dances and vision quests nearby, the monolith is sacred. In the 1990s, the National Park Service considered a ban on climbing the tower. Opponents argued that the government was taking sides—promoting Indian religion—and denying climbers their right of access. In court, the National Park Service argued it was a matter of respect and accommodation of cultural traditions. Eventually, the National Park Service adopted a compromise, asking climbers not to climb during June, when Indian ceremonies are at their height. Today, 85 percent of climbers have voluntarily stopped climbing in June. The Lakota observe with some irony that climbing is banned entirely at sites that others consider “sacred,” including Mt. Rushmore.
Mining at important archaeological and sacred sites is practiced on Hopi traditional homelands in Arizona. The Hopi have a spiritual covenant to care for their desert environment. Throughout the Colorado Plateau, mining companies extract pumice, gravel, coal, and water for profit. Private property rights won out over religious concerns at Woodruff Butte, and Hopi shrines were bulldozed. The government bought out a pumice mine on public land at the sacred San Francisco Peaks. A coal mining lease on reservation land at Black Mesa has led to the depletion of vital Hopi village springs as coal is mixed with water and slurried to a distant power plant.
The Wintu tribe, the U.S. Forest Service, and new age religion practitioners want to use the same sacred place but in different, mutually exclusive ways. For 1,000 years, the Winnemem band of the Wintu has conducted healing ceremonies on Bulyum Puyuik, “Great Mountain,” also known as Mt. Shasta. When a proposed ski resort threatened a sacred spring, the Wintu and other tribes fought and defeated the ski resort. Ironically, the publicity from the battle drew growing crowds of New Age spiritual seekers to Mt. Shasta. The Winnemem Wintu believe that some new age practices offend the mountain and mock their traditional ceremony. They are attempting to influence what is permitted. The Forest Service superintendent denied the permit for the ski resort, citing the Winnemem’s concerns for the spiritual integrity of the mountain.
Before November 29, 1864, a valley along a creek bed in southeastern Colorado was considered a temporary home for the Cheyenne and Arapahoe. Since that day, when more than 150 women, children, and elderly were murdered by Colorado militia, this is a site where descendants of those killed can pay homage and remember the event. Today the sacred site, known as the Sand Creek Massacre National Historic Site, is threatened by Euro-Americans who question history by creating uncertainty over the exact location and others suggesting that the event never happened. Interpreters at Sand Creek Massacre NHS relate the events leading up to that tragic day, as well as preserve history through interactive communication with descendants of the massacre victims and survivors.
Healing the Land
Attempts to preserve ecosystems or protect endangered species may conflict with grazing, logging, mining, or recreational interests. Native people save spiritual practices tied to the land that reach back in history and require solitude, silence, and access to plants or minerals. These cultural traditions may conflict with the definition of national parks or private property boundaries and create challenges for land managers.
Presenting these issues in an interpretive format for the visitor can be taxing for the interpreter yet very rewarding. The interpretive technique of asking questions to the audience can be helpful to emphasize universal concepts such as sacred, home, death, a sense of place, spiritual connection, etc. The interpreter may ask, what is sacred to me? Where are my sacred places? What was sacred to my ancestors? Is what was sacred the same for them as for me?
Has your special place changed over the years, been threatened or destroyed? Imagine physical and spiritual connections to place as practiced by an entire community, town, or country. What evidence is needed to declare something a sacred site? What happens when one tradition marks sacred sites by leaving them undisturbed and another marks sacred sites by altering them with buildings or other structures?
For More Information
Rogow, Faith, and Christopher McLeod. Edited by Marjorie Beggs and designed by Patricia Koren. In the Light of Reverence. (2001). Sacred Land Film Project of Earth Island Institute.
Charmichael, David L., Jane Hubert, Brian Reeves, and Audhild Schanche, editors. Sacred Sites, Sacred Places. (1994). London and New York: Routledge.
Theodoratus, Dorothea J., and Frank LaPeña. “Wintu Sacred Geography.” (1992). In California Indian Shamanism, edited by Lowell John Bean. Menlo Park, California: Ballena Press, Anthropological Papers n. 39.
Strapp, Darby C., and Michael S. Burney. Tribal Cultural Resource Management: The Full Circle to Stewardship. (2002). Lanhan, Maryland: Altamira Press, Rowman and Littlefield Publishing Group.
Page, Jake (editor). Sacred Lands and Indian America. (2002). New York: Harry Abrams.
Nancy Stimson is chief of interpretation, education, and visitor services at Sand Creek Massacre National Historic Site in Eads, Colorado. Contact her at nancy_stimson@nps.gov.
Posted in Commentaries, Interpreting Indigenous Cultures